How The NeoCons Stole Freedom
John Fund (S)
John Fund (S)
Not that the Dollar is worth much now!
Not that the Dollar is worth much now!
John Fund: #Me Too! Take Note
John Fund: #Me Too! Take Note
UA-125904659-1
UA-125904659-1
In 1982, John Fund was a college dropout who left UC Santa Cruz because of an incident with a girl in a dorm. Fund told me this incoherent story while I was driving him to his bus for his return to his mother’s house in Fair Oaks, a suburb of Sacramento, where he lived. I had not asked him to tell me, but I remember what he said, vividly. “It was not my fault,” was the continuous litany as he erupted in tears.
In a world, today, which listens to victims of sexual abuse, this is one which should be explored. Fund’s career is full of stories about women. I do not pretend to know all of them, but I have some names and know the names of some who became part of his disinformation operation.
In early 2001, Morgan Pillsbury played a recording for me she had made of another woman Fund was seeing (Morgan is famous for her taping), you hear the woman, name withheld, tell Morgan that Fund forced her to continue to have sex with him, whenever he was in her town. She says he told her, if she refused, or spoke out, she would never work as a journalist again. Eventually, she escaped but has never spoken out.
I have the documents in my possession because Morgan had proven herself to be an unmitigated liar and I could not believe her without proof. Morgan remains so today. Having acquired by whatever means, power, Fund was using it for his own purposes.
John Fund has been neglected by the #MeToo! Movement. Changing this will bring more to light than you could possibly imagine.
The Early Life of John Fund
The 1979 dormitory incident, causing the retreat from Santa Cruz, centered around Fund’s denial he had tried to force her to have sex with him. Since this was volunteered with showers of tears, listeners were very willing to move on to other topics. I was only one of these individuals, as reported above. Fund turned to these blubbering denials while I was driving him to the Bus Station in the San Fernando Valley in the spring of 1982. Fund raised the subject, in what appeared to be a tour of his deepest secrets. This was one of those strange moments it is hard to forget.
On September 18, 2018, Eric Garris, editor of Antiwar, an old friend of mine, told me about Fund’s confession to him in 1981 of an issue which was very different, but Fund still cried.
Because it was culturally unusual for an adult male to shed tears, more so than for women, we tend to think this is unscripted. With Fund this is not the case. Multiple people have reported being subjected to a ‘confidential confession’ by Fund. This is a carefully honed technique on his part. By doing so, he appears to trust the person to whom he is confiding. He then asks they keep the confession confidential. Generally, those hearing this, do so. Some may, however, ‘confidentially’ repeat the story to others. This technique is used by slanderers for accomplishing their goal while appearing to be innocent of wrong-doing. This shields Fund from being outed as a liar. It is a 9th Commandment Moment.
This was the technique Fund appears to have long used to slander me. He uses it himself and encourages others and his minions to do so. I can certainly rebut these stories if I knew what Fund was saying. If this happened to you, please send the story to me. I would appreciate your help in clearing my name.
Garris was then editor of or writing for several newsletters and Vanguard, a Libertarian publication. For months, Fund had been delivering long and detailed narratives on his campaign for the school board at the local monthly meeting of the Libertarian Party in Sacramento. Fund thrilled listeners with how well he was doing in the two-way contest – but John Fund was not the candidate. Fund had kept up on what was happening, so he could report this close race as his own.
Fund was confronted by Eric on election day after Eric called the Sacramento County Clerk’s Office for the results, learning to his surprise, Fund had never even filed papers.
The 2006 article in Anti-War: “John Fund vs. The Truth,“ originally published on April 25, was the first time anyone had exposed this kind of behavior in Fund’s background.
Reading it, I was stunned. Around 2000, I heard a similar insight on Fund in the same role, adopting someone else’s accomplishment as his own in its entirety. But this time the story was told to the mutual acquaintances of Fund and Andrew Frankel at a cocktail party in New York as the victim, Andrew listened, speechlessly.
Andrew Frankel had known Fund since the two were children together in Fair Oaks. He had gone on to a career in the military, eventually into military intelligence, and had that day been appointed to a position within the Trilateral Commission. As Andrew listened, Fund repeated what Andy had shared with his old friend, John, that morning. Only the name of the appointee was changed. Instead of Andrew Frankel’s appointment, it was John Fund who was appointed.
Andy asked me, Melinda, to have dinner with him soon afterward. He needed to talk to someone else who had known Fund for a long time about this strange behavior on Fund’s part. He was looking for an explanation. Now, Andy understands Fund.
John P. Slevin on John Fund
John P. Slevin, a ballot-access professional, who knew John in Fair Oaks and was a Libertarian, raised the issue of Fund’s registration when John was hired as Northern California Director for the Libertarian Party of California (LPC) in 1982. Slevin was and remains a committed Libertarian, who has owned and operated several Ballot Access operations, including WinLiberty.
John Fund has never been a Libertarian. But the LP was an opportunity he saw and took. I did not know about this part of Fund’s history until Slevin contacted me in 2006.
The Anti-War article is significant because we discover the back story withheld by Justin Raimondo and Eric Garris about John’s dishonesty and strange behavior. This was the behavior they had directly experienced, and then covered up for over 30 years. They hoped Fund would appreciate their silence and do something for them. They were wrong. Psychopaths are not grateful.
What matters is this. John Fund was moved into place at the Wall Street Journal not for his ability as a reporter; but because he was willing to change the facts on order. Raimondo nailed it when he wrote, “He (Fund) spent much of the ’90s rolling in the muck of Monica-gate and building a career as a 100-percent-certified neocon shill.” This was work not being done for the WSJ, but for BushCo.
This was now obvious to Eric and Justin, but the correction had been too little and too late to change what had already happened. Fund was well placed and protected by two men who then wielded enormous power, Dick Cheney and Karl Rove. That power has now waned. The most significant insights into the lengths Cheney and Rove will go to protect essential operatives are revealed by the cover-up which took place in the scandals which brought Fund’s behavior to public attention.
The first of these involved a woman named Carol Divine Molin, which had caused a dust-up at the Wall Street Journal when the outraged woman wrote a letter informing the management of his caddish behavior. The two returned to Molin’s home from a speaking engagement for the National Federation of Republican Women in New York for what Molin apparently believed was to be the beginning of a romantic relationship. Instead, Fund departed as soon as he was satisfied with the comment, “You got to swallow.”
The Wall Street Journal covered for Fund.
If this behavior took place in 1981 and again twenty years later, it was likely habitual. Eric recounted during our recent conversation watching television as John McLaughlin called Fund out for lying on his show, The McLaughlin Group. That 2003 season marked the last time Fund appeared on McLaughlin’s show.
Fund’s First Job in Disinformation
John Fund’s first job in politics was performing operations for Ed Crane to obtain the Libertarian nomination for President for Ed Clark, a popular Libertarian leader and former candidate for Governor of California. You might remember Edward H. Crane, III as the President of Cato Institute, a think-tank in Washington DC funded by Charles and David Koch. Before the Clark campaign, Murray Rothbard, an eminent economist, and Libertarian strategist, was an enthusiastic supporter of the campaign, and of the Cato Institute.
This would change when Murray saw what was happening to the ideas of freedom during the presidential campaign, which the Kochs had funded. The Kochs had left Ed and Alicia Clark with a cool $250,000 in campaign debt. I learned this from Alicia when I was helping her during her term as Libertarian Party National Chairman.
This attempt to take over the Libertarian Party was the first Koch move to have and control their own political power group. Eventually, this drive was successful with the Tea Party. KochTruths
Despite the fact Fund can still sell himself to libertarians as a long-time adherent, John Fund was never registered as a Libertarian. He has remained a registered Republican his entire life. His writing and activities show no sign he adhered to the ideas of freedom. But he attended conventions and conferences because these were sources of ideas which he supplied to people such as Newt Gingrich.
For instance, the source for Contract with America was a brochure I wrote for a project originally called The Freedom Pledge – Honesty Bond. Fund asked me for a copy of the brochure at the California GOP Convention in 1993. I assumed he, or the person to whom he was going to give it, would be in touch. Wrong. The idea was to empower local areas to ensure they had input on issues their elected officials worked for. The tool was a ‘surety bond’, which would be used to guarantee performance, the identified issues itemized in the contract, that required the loss of money if the politician’s promises were not kept. It was clear that, otherwise, constituents would continue to be ignored after their votes were no longer necessary.
Just like it is today.
John and his associates, such as Newt Gingrich, are always looking for a scam campaign to excite voter support. Reframing Honesty Bond by eliminating the accountability for elected officials, was easily done. Naming their own Congressional behavior issues, instead of having this happen at the local level, made it optimally useful to Newt. And now he wants to recycle this idea in 2018 and can count on John’s assistance in doing so.
I was told by a writer at Reason Foundation around 1999, last name Carson, that they were told not to send articles to Fund, because he would steal them. Fund goes to conferences for the same purpose. You can’t steal it until you know what it is. So Fund attends conferences as often as possible, leaving with ideas, new contacts as potential recruits for every imaginable position, and to provide more reframed PR campaigns for his NeoCon associates. He also leaves with lots of goodie bags since many of these conferences provide small bottles of liquor and other treats.
I was unaware of this chain of events connecting Honesty Bond with Contract on America until 1999, when Morgan, my psychotic oldest daughter, casually asked what I had called the project. “You know, Mom, that thing you wrote up. John handed the brochure to Newt Gingrich. What was it called?” Memories stirring, I said, “You mean the Honesty Bond?” I had been forced to drop it in 1994 to deal with the loss of our home in the San Fernando Valley during the Northridge Earthquake on January 17, 1994, and my sister Anne’s death from a heart attack in Tokyo a short time later.
The Professional Life of John Fund
The Professional Life of John Fund

Milton Friedman
Milton Friedman

Leonard Read
Leonard Read
At the Wall Street Journal, Fund acted as censor for stories which should have been run. The very discernable pattern is clear.
Some of these were events, but the most important went to solutions to the problems already beginning with our economy. One of these incidents would result in burying a tool for free-market financing, which had already proven its power applied to student loans at Yale and Duke Universities.
Some of these were events, but the most important went to solutions to the problems already beginning with our economy. One of these incidents would result in burying a tool for free-market financing, which had already proven its power applied to student loans at Yale and Duke Universities.
Milton Friedman was the first to write on the idea, referred to as PAYE, or Pay=As-You-Earn. The idea is now known as Percentage-As-You-Earn. Other free-market advocates have praised it for creating stability in the economy, encouraging entrepreneurism, and ensuring everyone had health care. Excited when he read about this in an early 1972 edition of Reason Magazine, Brock d’Avignon, in 1976 called Dr. Friedman from his college room at BYU after researching historical precedents for PAYE.
Brock thanked Dr. Friedman for making him aware of the concept. Dr. Friedman encouraged Brock to continue his research on the history of PAYE, and its modern Finansurance applications. PAYE Finance was routinely in use during the colonial period of American history and through the 20th Century. When Brock again contacted Dr. Friedman in 1979, he told the eminent economist he was now writing on the issue of PAYE Medical Finansurance for healthcare.
In 1980, Leonard Read, President of the Foundation for Economic Education (FEE), opened his mailing lists to Brock, focusing on the Libertarian Health Association of 155 members led by Drs Ron Paul and Dallas Cooley. Read related to Brock the assistance he had rendered to Ayn Rand before 1936 get her first book, Anthem, published, and told Brock he considered Brock's work on PAYE to be as significant as Rand's work on philosophy.
In 1980, Leonard Read, President of the Foundation for Economic Education (FEE), opened his mailing lists to Brock, focusing on the Libertarian Health Association of 155 members led by Drs Ron Paul and Dallas Cooley. Read related to Brock the assistance he had rendered to Ayn Rand before 1936 get her first book, Anthem, published, and told Brock he considered Brock's work on PAYE to be as significant as Rand's work on philosophy.
It was a high compliment which Brock appreciated enormously. He doubled down on the work, continuing to pursue the history of %PAYE and how it had been used, the changes associated with that use, and how it could be used today to create the stability which would foster the spirit of finding solutions to the many social problems we still faced.
In 1986, in New York, Brock visited Laissez-Faire Books and met Roy Childs and Andrea Rich. After
explaining his work on PAYE to the eminent writer, Childs put him in touch with Mel Miller, then ‘Dean’ of the Oil Trading Ring, New York Mercantile Exchange (NYMEX) to create a PAYE financial instrument exchange-place. During Brock's subsequent visit, Miller observed to Brock the fact that on all the boards the longest commodity futures contract was 120-days for soy beans and not 30-year mortgages; then recommended to d'Avignon, "Long-term multi-year PAYE contracts in Human Investments (HI) should be traded on their own exchange, and create new types of credit rating bureaus." Andrea Rich of Laissez Faire Books sent Brock to the Wall Street Journal and John Fund, who Childs and Rich assured him, would want to immediately write an article on this exciting discovery for empowering the free-market for long-term loans and services.
Brock, to his surprise, realized Fund was not the least interested. A story mentioning PAYE eventually appeared but provided little substantial information on the use of alternative loan tools. Explicitly, it made no mention of Brock's research which had so excited advocates for the free-market. It only rehashed previous articles the WSJ had printed on PAYE from the 1960s.
Fund buried a concept endorsed by nearly every free-market economist then living, and also endorsed by Russell Means, Karl Hess and more. Longer Story
Unknown to me, for 34 years, Brock had also been responsible for unseating President George H. W. Bush during the 1992 Presidential campaign. Brock’s PhoneVoter TV Network (PVN), the first primitive application of Interactive TV, giving people the tools for direct interaction with mass-media, had taken Bush, Senior out of office very unexpectedly. Fund’s NeoCon employers were not ready for what happened in 1992, necessitating a hasty agreement to control presidential debates with the GOP-DEM, privately incorporated, Commission on Presidential Debates.
Fund buried a concept endorsed by nearly every free-market economist then living, and also endorsed by Russell Means, Karl Hess and more. Longer Story
Unknown to me, for 34 years, Brock had also been responsible for unseating President George H. W. Bush during the 1992 Presidential campaign. Brock’s PhoneVoter TV Network (PVN), the first primitive application of Interactive TV, giving people the tools for direct interaction with mass-media, had taken Bush, Senior out of office very unexpectedly. Fund’s NeoCon employers were not ready for what happened in 1992, necessitating a hasty agreement to control presidential debates with the GOP-DEM, privately incorporated, Commission on Presidential Debates.
Onlookers were unaware that an alliance between two families had taken place, Bush, its wealth founded on oil, and the Clintons, who seized the presidency by stealing technology from a small group of volitional scientists..
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Andrea Millen Rich
Andrea Millen Rich
Roy Childs
Roy Childs